By Maureen E. Shea
Tradition and Customs of Guatemala bargains a good rounded portrait of the folks of the land identified for breathtaking highlands, brilliantly coloured Mayan textiles, generations of ruthless dictators, and violence opposed to the Mayas because the Spanish conquest. This critical American hotspot is the house to a majority of Mayas, their coexistence with Ladinos--the non-Mayas, and the difficulty of land possession give you the framework for realizing modern society. The mix of Mayan and Ladino cultural identities that form Guatemala this day permeates Shea
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Tradition and Customs of Guatemala deals a good rounded portrait of the folk of the land identified for breathtaking highlands, brilliantly coloured Mayan textiles, generations of ruthless dictators, and violence opposed to the Mayas because the Spanish conquest. This important American hotspot is the house to a majority of Mayas, their coexistence with Ladinos--the non-Mayas, and the problem of land possession give you the framework for knowing modern society.
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It attempts to uncover the microfoundations of individual behavior that connect hypothesized causes and outcomes, but in doing so the method of process-tracing easily loses sight of collective actors. It is also limited to within-case analysis and difficult to apply in meaningful comparative ways. With regard to the privileged level of analysis, my comparative sequential method lies in between the macrosocial comparative historical method and the micro, individual-level, decision-process–oriented one.
10 10 What follows is a summary account of the variations observed in the intergovernmental balance of power in the four countries. For more detailed accounts and measurements, please refer to the second part of Chapter 2. 1. First Cycle of Postdevelopmental Decentralization Policies in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, 1978–1997 Argentina Administrative Decentralization Fiscal Decentralization Political Decentralization 1978: Primary schools transferred to the provinces 1988: New revenue-sharing law 1994–1996: Popular election of the mayor of Buenos Aires; autonomy to the City of Buenos Aires 1988: Decentralization of health 1983: Passos Porto Amendment 1980–1982: Popular election of governors 1993–1994: Decentralization of education to departments and municipalities 1991: Increase of automatic transfers of revenues to departments and municipalities 1986: Popular election of mayors 1983–1986: Bilateral agreements with some states for the decentralization of education 1995: Reform of the fiscal coordination law 1983: Article 115 on municipal autonomy 1997: Creation of new budget line (Ramo 33) directed to states and municipalities 1986: Creation of Mexico City’s legislative assembly 1992: Secondary schools transferred to the provinces Brazil Colombia Mexico 1992: Decentralization of education to all the states 1988: Increase of 1988: Municipal automatic transfers autonomy recognized of revenues to states in the constitution and municipalities 1991: Popular election of governors 1996: Popular election of the mayor of Mexico City As a result of postdevelopmental decentralization, Brazilian and Colombian governors and mayors currently have more fiscal resources, deliver and manage more social services, have greater constitutional autonomy from the central government, and are better organized to collectively represent their territorial interests.
At the micro level, scholars have searched for the causes of decentralization on the incentives of politicians and have asked, why would national politicians agree to give power away? At this level of analysis, the most elegant and encompassing theory for the adoption of fiscal and political decentralization in electoral democracies in Latin America is found in the works of Kathleen O’Neill (1999, 2003, 2005). Focusing on the electoral incentives of politicians and analyzing the countries of the Andean region (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela), O’Neill argues that presidents are more likely to propose decentralizing measures when electoral support for their parties is weak at the national level but strong at the subnational level, and when the overall electoral support for their parties has been stable over time, such that they can strategize over decentralization with some degree of certainty.
Culture and customs of Guatemala by Maureen E. Shea